Publish Yourself



Have your 15min of fame...

Allow graduate employers, who are always looking for talent (that's you!), to find you.

In recent times the issue of whaling has made headlines to such an extent that an intense debate over either the total abandonment or preservation for the sake of age old whaling traditions, became unavoidable. Worldwide the population numbers of several whale species has dwindled dramatically over the past century.

Shigeko Misaki, an interpreter for the Japanese delegation to the International Whaling Commission (IWC) in 1977 encapsulated the main Japanese view on whales: “The notion of the ocean always brings home to us the sense of nostalgia, vast expanse, strength, beauty and myriad wonders. So it is no wonder that the whale, the greatest living creature on earth, living in the ocean, is perceived as a very special animal. As whales have no national borders, they migrate freely across and through the waters of national jurisdiction.”[1]

In a concise historical study of Early Japan Jonathan Norton Leonard explained the contradiction embedded in traditional Japanese culture. Leonard stated that “since ancient times the Japanese have ranked among the world’s most ferocious warriors, but no other people has given more elaborate attention to courteous conduct or more loving devotion to flowers, poetry and art.”[2] The fundamental question then is what the driving factors behind the Japanese commercial whaling is. To answer this intriguing question one must understand the historical background of Japanese whaling.

The pre-historic evolution of Japanese whaling

Historical research has indicated that the first attempts at whaling by Japanese coastal communities started in the Jomon period (approximately 7 000/8 000 to 3 000 B.C.). Archeological excavations and few surviving oral traditions in whale mythology shed some light on the practice, methods and impact of whaling on early Japanese society and culture.

Particularly in the northern parts of Japan, namely Hokkaido and Sakhalin, the so-called Saru Ainu (who was an aboriginal group) made full use of stranded whales for various purposes. The Ainu was not a seafaring people, but over time these coastal inhabitants became more dependant on the sea as a maritime food resource

Tetsunosuke Tada, a noted Japanese researcher, has pointed out that through traditional songs by the Kushiro Ainu and from ancient lyrical songs of the Saru Ainu, called the Yuukara, these aboriginal Japanese started to eat whale meat. The general use of seafood and whales for human consumption became a means of survival. Nonetheless, the Ainu mostly attempted early whaling in a passive manner by using already dead or dying whales that has stranded on the beach. Active whale hunting near the coastal areas started between 10 000 and 300 B.C. Sharpened bamboo spears or sticks were used as hand harpoons to kill struggling or dying whales drifting nearby reachable shore areas.

Tada indicated that a sheer excitement prevailed when a large whale has been found as reflected in a song from a Kushiro Ainu story: “There was a stranded whale on the Toya coast. A young fellow found it. He shouted the news around from village to village.”[3] The immense size of whales, the largest mammals on earth, and their recognized potential for human utilization made the Japanese highly emotional in their relationship with the sentient mammals of the oceans.

In an ancient Yuukara song Japanese begged for a stranded whale: “Killer whale, god of the ocean, please bring more than one and a half whales every year. Then, I will be pleased to give my sweet daughter as your bride.” Another pre-historic Japanese proverb emphasized the significance of whales to the local coastal communities because “A whale (Kujira) on the beach is wealth for seven villages.”[4]

Evidence of early organization of planned whaling shows that Japanese whaling methods (in this case active whaling by use of hand harpoon) were probably similar than those of Norseman, American Indian or the Eskimo. According to Tada, archeologists have found primitive whaling-catching objects made in shell mounds. Within round stone houses they found whale bones. Canoe-like boats were built by making use of skins. Hand-harpoons were used in daring attempts to catch whales offshore. This evidence was also supported by a picture illustration discovered on a whale bone from a Bentenjima shell mound in Nemuno City. The illustration depicts a small boat with seven people and one with a harpoon courageously hunting a whale by driving two harpoons into the back of the whale and fastening it to their boat.

Tada furthermore mentioned that within the oldest record of whaling in Japanese literature, named Geiki, the occurrence of seven or eight boats organizing and working together underlined the fact that they sought to find methods to make whaling more effective. Apart from the Geiki records hardly any other historical source giving information on pre-historic Japanese whaling exists.

In June 2000 researchers made a remarkable discovery in Nagasaki when an Urn revealing an image of whaling, dating back to the Yayoi Period (400 to 300 B.C.), was found in the Harunotsuji ruins. Considerable debate raged on the authenticity and meaning of the drawing. According to officials the Urn was about 61 cm high with a mouth 36 cm in diameter which was said to be used as a funerary vessel in northern Kyushu. However, most researchers agreed that the image depicted whaling mainly because of the size of what seems to be the whale compared with the ship and several sticks believed to be harpoons stuck into the whale. Makoto Sahara, curator of the National Museum of Japanese History stated that “this is a valuable discovery that shows (humans) boarded a ship and whaled aggressively by using harpoons.”[5]

The risk attached to these undertakings must have been very great, bearing the hazardous seas and sometimes aggressive whales in mind. After the whale catching was completed successfully the dead whale was towed to the shore and enthusiastically appreciated by the whaling community. Ryohei Tsuboi, an archaeologist, found that any edible parts of a whale, including its meat, blubber, internal organs, blood, marrow and even fetus, were consumed.[6] Contrary to the most European whaling nations, these early Japanese came to favour whale meat predominantly as a means of survival

Another major important reason for the need of whales was for the rendering of blubber into oil. The Ainu most probably extracted the oil from the blubber through boiling over shell mounds. Especially in Northern Japan this whale oil became of utmost importance both as a fundamental source of fuel and survival during the cold winter months.

The creation of a deep-rooted tradition in whaling

Japanese cultural tradition in ancient times was also influenced by the practice of whaling which gradually permeated the social and religious customs. The question remains why did whaling became a part of Japanese culture and what was the symbolic significance of whaling to indigenous Japanese?

Discoveries from the Yayoi Period (following the Jomon Period) have shown that it became custom to offer gifts from the sea to deceased people. Whale bone and many clay dolls portraying whales, together with Yayoi pottery from the Tanou ruins, were discovered in the moat of a grave of Emperor Oujin.[7] Whale meat offering to deceased persons with high social status became common practice as whales were plentiful and the meat inexpensive. Thus a symbolic, even spiritual connection to the use of whales in everyday life evolved.

In the Nara Period (710 to 784 A.D.) the proclamation of Imperial Ordinances by Emperors became a significant force that steered or even embedded the utilization of whales for human consumption in Japanese culture. It strictly prohibited the eating of four-legged animals. Animal meat rapidly disappeared from Japanese cuisine. As a replacement for protein intake whales became unrestricted and encouraged for human consumption.

Even in the Imperial Japanese Court whale meat was served formally in various dishes to the Emperor. Whale and other seafood became exquisite delicacies during popular dinner parties called Shirokou, where mostly whale soup was served.  In Shikisankon, a sake (or rice wine) exchanging ceremony between Shogun as a part of a samurai activity, whale meat was prepared as a starter dish.[8]

The common use of soy sauce also enhanced the popularity and consumption of whale dishes. Besides the nobility, ordinary Japanese also regarded whale meat as important. It was therefore enjoyed by all layers of the population. Thus, a deep-rooted culture in either the use of whales for symbolic reasons or as a means of a maritime food resource was created.

Since the early middle ages until the sixteenth century the increased consumption of whale led to the increase in demand for personnel in the growing whaling industry. Especially during the Tokugawa period (1603 – 1868) the demand for large numbers of personnel with professional skills capable of performing several tasks increased extensively. Whale boat building, hunting, the specialized flensing of whales, the distribution of whale meat, oil and other whale products created significant employment opportunities.[9]

Financially most employees became totally reliant on this developing large-scale whaling endeavor. Strategically also look-outs were stationed on hill tops alongside the mountainous coastline of Japan. From there whale species could be spotted and even the direction of whale migration could be calculated. Whalers at the whaling station below were then immediately informed so that a regular armada could be assembled and set out for the catch. A rather effective, though still primitive, whaling communication network was established.

Japanese whaling personnel gradually learned about the various whale species suitable for hunting and thus whaling became a skilled profession. They found that particularly slower moving Biscay Right Whales (named according to the notion that those whales simply were the “right” whale to hunt), Rorquals, Sperm and Humpback Whales were easier to catch than larger faster moving whales (including the Blue whale) which tended to sink to the bottom after it was killed.[10] Increased whaling thus also led to increased knowledge about whales and the development of more successful hunting techniques.

From isolation to expansion

For hundreds of years Japan was an isolated country and authoritarian Japanese laws forbade any Japanese citizen to leave or travel abroad. Foreigners, except for few Dutch and Portuguese trade ships visiting the port of Name Nagasaki once a year, were not welcome. Japanese whalers therefore had to develop their own progressive whaling techniques. In 1675 a remarkable net whaling method developed in Taiji, in the Wakayama Prefecture. By using the net method several small boats spread nets across channels between the islands.

Thereafter the chasing boats maneuvered in such a way as to drive, usually slower swimming whales into them. After the whales became entangled and exhausted from its struggling in the enclosed net seamen jumped into the water and attacked the whales with lances. When the kill was completed two boats trawled the dead whales to land. The Japanese net whaling method was deemed highly successful and was employed until the twentieth century.

According to the account of F.D. Ommanney the dead whale was conveyed to shore the meat was graded and sent to the market; the intestines were thoroughly washed out and cut into small pieces of special delicacies; the bones and residue were dried and ground for use of manure; the baleen was washed, ironed, and dried for bristles and stiffeners, which was also done in the west.[11] In an isolated country the net method spread rapidly through southwestern Japan and ultimately became the dominant whaling method.

Meanwhile the Western world made phenomenal progress in whaling to the extent that it out-whaled the Japanese by far. The Norwegian whaling, and the decisive innovations by Svend Foynd, paved the way for the development of the harpoon gun and the further advance of whaling methods and processing. Very soon huge whaling companies in Norway, Great-Britain, the Netherlands, Russia and the United States were founded. They sought to monopolize whaling, primarily for whale oil produce. Japan, on the contrary, was isolated and thus not able to gain from foreign developments.

Since the 1820s British and American whalers discovered the whale-rich oceans in the Pacific and in the seas off Japan. Active whaling through hundreds of advanced whaling factory ships, even with the Russians dominating the Northern Pacific, brought about intensive competition with the traditional Japanese whalers. In relation to the more backward Japanese whaling, Western whalers succeeded in catching a plentiful whale further offshore and with an unmatchable scale.

At first the attempts of Japanese to adopt particularly American (or commonly referred to as “Yankee”) whaling methods proved unsuccessful as they wished to modernize and enable them to compete with the Western juggernaut. As fuel and water supplies for American whalers operating far from the United States became scarce, President Fillmore decided that Japan should cease its rigid isolationist policies. The turning point for Japan’s isolation came in 1853 when a US Naval fleet under Commandore Perry sailed into the Bay of Edo (today Tokyo) requesting extensive trade relations.[12] New American whaling techniques and knowledge had though not necessarily made inroads in Japanese whaling. It seems as if Westerners were reluctant to share their more modern whaling techniques.

Nonetheless, the Japanese began to be significantly influenced by Russian whaling by the imposition of the new harpoon – or Norwegian method.[13] Tsarist Russia even transported whale meat to Japan and regularly employed cheap Japanese seamen as pioneers on Russian whale ships. Gradually Japanese whaling adapted to superior Western whaling methods. It obtained extensive knowledge, but Western countries still continued to monopolize and dominate whaling.

Since the Sino-Japanese war of 1894-5 Japanese industries sought to protect their right of way to fishing and whaling grounds. The industries were still very primitive using the old net method. Georg Borgstrom pointed out that after the Poutiatin Treaty was concluded with supposedly mutual extra-territorial rights, it provided free duty, free port tax, etc. For a period of 10 years, Imperial Russia remained silent about Japanese fishing (and whaling) activities in the waters off Sakhalin, but the country enacted a law in 1883 to regulate this fishery and impose heavy taxes in order to suppress Japanese exploitation.[14] J.N. Tonnesson and A.O. Johnsen declared that the Japanese government wanted to liberate whaling from the Russians who invariably held the key to expansion in the entire Far East.

The government therefore sent a large number of diligent young men abroad to learn from Western whaling companies. Juro Oka, who was sent to Norway, became the father of modern Japanese whaling. Oka visited the Norwegian whaling towns and ordered every conceivable kind of equipment – cannons, harpoons, shells, etc. He also explored the techniques of modern-style whale catching; and familiarized himself with the practical details of Finnmark whaling off Newfoundland. Oka realized the marked difference between Norwegian and Japanese whale utilization, but he accepted that Japan was not in a position yet to impose similar whale-oil manufacturing techniques into the mainly whale-meat based Japanese whaling tradition.

T. Takahashi, like Oka worked for Russian whaling expeditions and afterwards returned to Japan to form and organized his own private company, Hogei Gumi. He also ordered to build the first, whale boat, Saikai-maru. Unfortunately due to the unsuitability of the wooden boat and inexperienced whalers the company was a complete failure and soon dissolved.[15]

After the war of 1894-5 Japan faced an economic difficult period, but Oka succeeded in setting up the first modern Japanese whaling company on 22 July 1899 in Yamaguchi, called Nihon Enyo Gyogyo K.K. Company. As manager director of the commonly referred to Ichimaru Kaisha (company) Oka hired experienced Norwegian gunners and whale ship builders whom constructed the first operational Japanese whale ship, christened Daiichi Choshu-maru. In the service of Oka’s company a Norwegian gunner, Morten Pederson, shot the first large blue whale on the 4^th of February 1900.[16] Subsequently the Japanese whaling industry rapidly developed with the introduction of the harpoon gun on the bows of iron steamships.

Imperial Russia still had great influence in the Far East and Japanese had to be content with a three year license for three very restricted locations on the coast, paying an annual levy of 800 yen for each whale catcher. The superimposition of laws forbidding unlimited Japanese whaling became increasingly unacceptable unbearable for whale companies. Rising political and economic tensions in the Far East, especially revolving around Manchuria, led to an unsuspected war in 1904.

After the major Japanese naval victory at Tsushima – the turning point of the Russo-Japanese War (1904-5) -- Japan gained control over previous Russian dominated Northern Pacific along the coast of Siberia. The Treaty of Portsmouth (1905) effectively secured Japan’s influence in the Far East and re-established its right to expand vigorously.[17] In Japan a large number of new whaling companies building and using their own whale boats, and producing of whale oil as well, were founded. Government intervention nevertheless continued to control whale catches. In contrast to the sudden expansion of Japanese whaling a definite decline in whaling in previous dominant whaling nations became evident – primarily due to the discovery of petroleum as a more durable fuel than whale oil.

Modern Japanese whaling

Historians consider modern Japanese whaling as beginning with the establishment of Juro Oka’s company in 1899. Since the success of Oka’s company other major companies were drawn into competition. In the face of daring modern harpoon-gun methods and developments the traditional net method became obsolete. Tønnesson and Johnsen indicated that a struggle between whaling companies evolved to secure the best gunners, crews, and factory hands, with high wages as inducement. 

Henceforth, Oka declared that this ever fiercer competition had a severely negative impact on whaling: “The morale and order in the whaling world were totally destroyed and the effects were catastrophic.”[18] With no organized movement controlling and altering the expansion resulted in an over-catching and over-production of whale meat and oil.

Under the leadership of Juro Oka, and partly due to intervention of the Japanese government, all whaling companies were summoned to a meeting. On 18 December 1908 they decided uniformally to establish the Nihon Hogeigyo Suisan Kumiai (Japanese Whaling Association). Under the presidentship of Oka, with its headquarters situated in Osaka, strict control and regulation over whaling was introduced. Unlicensed whaling in coastal areas could be punishable with strict fines varying between 5 000 to 10 000 Yen. While Japanese whalers became sensitive to the need to preserve whale species in domestic waters, there was a great willingness for whaling in unrestricted international waters.

After the Japanese government opted for an all-exclusive Japanese whaling it intervened in October 1909 by imposing specific whale license laws on all whaling companies. Tada emphasized that it was very difficult to obtain these licenses.[19] Whale catching was to depend on concessions both for individual whale boats and for every station, and the relevant department could limit the number of concessions and withdraw them if this proved necessary to preserve whale stocks.[20]

With the successful merging of Japanese companies in 1910 Oka prophesized in a remarkable speech the future of Japanese whaling in the world arena: “I am firmly convinced that we shall become one of greatest whaling nations in the world. The whaling grounds round Korea and Japan offer unlimited possibilities, and should stocks off whales, contrary to expectation, fail in these areas, we have the Sea of Okhotsk and the Bering Sea to the north and we are aware of the great treasure houses in the south. The day shall come when we shall hear one morning that whales have been caught in the Arctic and in the evening that whales are being hunted in the Antarctic.”[21]

Due to the rapid modernization of Large Coastal Whaling (LTCW), and the overhauling of Small Coastal Whaling (STCW), by the use of new powerboats and sophisticated harpoon-gun techniques whale catching (according to statistics) increased exponentially from 1899 until early 1940.[22] During the Great War (1914-1918) Japanese scientists explored the unrestricted whaling grounds of the Arctic and Antarctic Oceans and recommended whaling expansion in those areas.

Pelagic (or deep-sea) whaling by Japanese whalers during the 1920s proved so successful that approximately 10 000 tons of whale were caught. From an environmental point of view pelagic whaling was a great tragedy for large whale species, particularly the Blue Whale, Minke, Humpbacks and Baird's Beaked Whales. The consumption of whale meat and blubber refinement increased in accordance with the expansion of the whale industry. Even whalers in Ayakawa developed a catcher with powered harpoon allowing the hunting of fast moving Minke whales. The important fact was that all whale species could be hunted without difficulty and transported to Japanese shore industries for processing.

This remarkable increase in the quantity of whale catching also led to the intensification and growth of the whale processing industry, including factories for salteries and canneries. After 1930 Japan aggressively expanded its geographical boundaries by occupying Manchuria, Korea, Taiwan and the former German South Sea islands from where whaling and fishing could commence.[23] During and immediately after the Second World War a pressing food shortage, tending to trivial starvation, persisted in Japan and therefore special considerations were made to engage in coastal and pelagic whaling.

In the devastating Pacific War Japan had lost nearly 94, 6 per cent of its whaling vessels and half of its pre-war whaling territory. To alleviate the food scarcity and poverty General Douglas Macarthur allowed Japanese companies to re-enter whaling as a measure to counter the severe food (and above all protein) shortage.[24] At first stranded tankers were salvaged and reconstructed into fully operational whaling factory ships by using old naval submarine engines. By 1947 the fleet had reached a total of 83 ships capable of operating in the Antarctic and rough seas. Together with the rationing of whale meat, statistics showed that in 1947 close to 47 per cent of human protein intake was from whale meat.[25] In this regard, whale meat was used for school lunches in 1973.  In both quantitative and qualitative resource it proved its usefulness for human consumption.

In the post-war era Japan’s economy, and whaling included, regained unprecedented success. With additional aid from the United States, the new Japanese Antarctic whaling fleet symbolically departed from Nagasaki harbour after a US military band played farewell music in November 1946. Since then Japan's large scale endeavors in the Antarctic blossomed - but with terrible long term consequences for whale species.

In 1946 several states agreed to form an International Convention of the Regulation of Whaling (ICRW) in Washington D.C. In 1948 an international agency which could carry out the provisions of the ICRW, known as the International Whaling Commission (IWC), was founded. Although the fundamental aims of the ICRW was primarily to safeguard and conserve whale stocks for future generations, the interest of the whaling nations heavily outweighed the conservation of whales during the ensuing decades.[26]

Since the mid-1950s seven Japanese whale fleets were sent to the Antarctic. In 1962 the industry achieved a remarkable high record of 226 000 tons – the highest production record throughout the entire history of Japanese whaling. The Blue Whale became close to depletion as Japan caught nearly 25 000 of this species. (With Norway taking 82 000 and Great Britain 70 000 the IWC imposed carefully protective measures monitoring the Blue Whale ever since).[27] Despite the extensive regulations covering the hunting of whales the modern sophisticated whale hunting methods persisted unrelentingly. 

Modern Japanese whaling entails the use of usually ten small highly maneuverable whale catchers attached to a large completely self-sufficient factory ship. Communications by means of powerful radio transmitters and receivers; the perfect balancing of the harpoon-gun which made accuracy exceptional -- all this meant that any whale could be hunted.[28] After the dead whale was hauled up the slipway of the factory ship the processing of the whale occurred speedily and systematically. The Nisshin Maru, a modern whaling factory ship of the Taiyo Gyogyo Company, successfully conformed to above requirements.

Until 1972 another practical calculating method, referred to as the Olympic Method, was used in accordance with the so-called Blue Whale Unit (BWU). One BWU was equivalent to nearly 110 barrels of whale oil. Primarily as a perceived regulatory measure it became counterproductive as all the different species (including smaller whale species hunted on the basis of the BWU) became depleted. Limits per species were not specified and some whales became close to extinction.

The Japanese were also scrutinized to this system, but abandoned it after the discarding of the Olympic Method in 1972.

The morality of modern whaling

Environmentalists, biologists and ecologists in non-whaling countries became ever more frantic about the hopelessness of effective conservation of whales and continually pressured the IWC for harsher restrictions. Eager Greenpeace Foundation supporters turned their attention to the plight of the whale. At this stage, whales came to be considered as an endangered species with protective animal rights. Even a law claim was proposed suggesting that future technological development had to assure the “painless” mass slaughter of whales, without mistreatment.

Nonetheless, pelagic whaling and the hunting of Antarctic Minke for research purposes still persisted. Thus in 1982 the IWC adopted a moratorium on all commercial whaling. A ten year ban on all whaling was to take effect from the 1986-7 season.[29] Particularly threats from the Western world and the United States for imposing sanctions on Japanese whaling intensified the tension between pro- and anti-whaling nations.

As a consequence of the IWC’s imposition of draconian moratorium on whaling to protect the specie from depletion, Japanese LTCW and STCW were brought to its knees. In 1987 Japan’s LTCW industries closed down causing much dissatisfaction amongst its employees. Furthermore, the moratorium had a disastrous impact on the traditional cultural heritage of Japanese whaling and in particular the coastal communities which depended on whaling as a financial means for survival.

During the 1990s the whaling issue was debated mainly on a moral basis. The anti-whaling protestors condemn any compromise or justification for modern whaling and therefore demand a total ban on all whaling activities. Curtailment of whaling all over the world became unavoidable. Most Japanese thought that their human right to whaling and the consumption of whale meat as part of their custom was under attack.

Older generation Japanese viewed this as international pressure – commonly referred to as Gaiatsu. It was stated that whereas US whalers in the 18^th and 19^th centuries only had made use of whale oil, the Japanese used all parts of the whale in a productive manner.[30] Even on modern Japanese whaling vessels, the ritualistic appraisal in the form of memorial ceremonies for killed whales, called Kuyo, were still taking place around an altar placed in the centre of the vessel. A culture of whaling and the connection to whales as a sacred animal endured.

Mike Danaher emphasized that “the moral basis of the whaling sits between sustainable utilization and total preservation.”[31] Japanese whalers and civilians nevertheless persisted in upholding their whaling culture. Whale meat is still being served as delicacies in some restaurants and school lunch boxes.

Today only a few Japanese coastal communities (notably the Ayukawa, Wakaura, Taiji and Abashiri) cling to industrialized commercial whaling in the deep-sea to supply exquisite restaurants such as Kujiraya – the only restaurant specializing in whale cuisine.[32] The Japanese government argued that they are engaged in whaling for the purpose of scientific research, but the West understands this as a mere camouflage or flout to keep the Japanese whaling industry alive.

The Kyodo Senpaku, a firm that had been formed from the consolidation of formerly fishing companies, maintained a close connection with governmental programs.[33] It stresses the idea of sustainable commercial whaling and the fact that 300 employment opportunities are provided.

As the moral debate on whaling continues, even a faction of environmentally concerned Japanese made a stance against commercial whaling. They formed the World Wildlife Foundation WWF-Japan branch, in allying with anti-whaling lobbyists.[34] Henceforth, also in Japan a split occurred between those arguing for or those arguing against whaling under the cloak of perceived scientific research.

The clash between the Japanese whaling fleet and Greenpeace

By the beginning of the new decade Japanese whaling faced mounting pressure from anti-whaling lobbyists and the International Whaling Commission (IWC). The tide seemed to have turned inexorably against whaling. Yet Japan continues to engage in large scale commercial whaling in the northern pacific and southern hemisphere. The North Atlantic Marine Mammal Commission (NAMMCO) became one of the main bodies propagating continued whaling. In July 2004 the organization urged the IWC to allow the sovereignty of Japan to pursuit in whaling.

The Japanese pro-whaling lobby continued to advance the controversial argument that whaling aided scientific research. At the forefront of this lobby was the privately owned Institute of Cetacean Research funded by the Kyodo Senpaku. It made the hotly contested argument that the depletion of fish stocks was due to the large consumption by whales.[35]

Astonishingly the whaling season of 2005 and 2006 brought about the largest whale catch since the start of the millennium. A total of 1243 whales, including 856 Minke whales, were caught and returned to Japan.

It triggered mass international media criticism and protest. Greenpeace activists considered the whale catch as totally irresponsible, unwise and disastrous for the future conservation of already depleted whale stocks.

Yet these protests could not stop the activities of the Japanese whaling fleet. The Japanese general public remained convinced that the longstanding whaling culture should be preserved. World opinion however increasingly rejected Japanese whaling. Japan has been unable to legitimize whaling through ‘scientific’ explanations.

On the 22^nd of December 2005 an incident took place in the Australian Antarctic territorial waters which was to highlight the intense environmental debate on whaling. The Japanese whaling fleet sought to catch over 900 Minke whales and carry out research on the depleted Fin whales.[36] The Nisshin Maru factory ship (escorted by several smaller whaler vessels) tried to escape the attention of the anti-whaling lobby, but after nearly one month of searching the Greenpeace ships MY Arctic Sunrise and MY Esperanza caught them by surprise.[37]

Immediately Greenpeace demanded that the hunt be abandoned. Without formal orders from Japan the Japanese whaling personnel simply ignored the request. Against all odds inflatable Greenpeace boats, under the leadership of Shane Rattenbury, with banners reading “Stop the Whaling” tried to disrupt the whaling process. They heroically positioned their inflatable boats at the stern of the giant Japanese whaling ship preventing a caught whale being towed up the slipway. A clash between the two opposing sides began on the open seas. The Japanese whalers used water cannons to deter the Greenpeace inflatable boats. One boat capsized. None of the crew members were injured but Rattenbury defiantly stated that “our boats will be putting themselves between the harpoon and the whale”.[38]

Finally, the whaling ships were radio contacted by Greenpeace. A Japanese Greenpeace activist, Yuko Hirono, called upon the whalers to end the whale hunt and leave the hunting area. Hirono stated that it was an “internationally recognized Southern Ocean Whale Sanctuary” where active whaling was prohibited. The Japanese whaling fleet decided to leave the sanctuary.  The incident caused international outrage.

On the 15^th of February 2007 a raging fire broke out on the Nisshin Maru and killing one person. As a result, whaling by Japan was temporarily postponed. The Nisshin Maru rejected all assistance from the then-nearby Greenpeace ship, the MY Esperanza, outright and turned back to Japan for repairs.[39] Yet, even with this technical setback Japan’s annual catch for the year 2007 was estimated at a staggering one thousand whales. Japan alleged that the whales were to be used for “research” and analysis purposes.

It seemed as if nothing has changed. Globally, unregulated whaling is part and parcel of the current environmentalist debate on climate change and global warming. Japan will be forced to reconsider its whaling programs. Yet at the moment most Japanese demand unrestrained whaling.

In conclusion it is evident that the long Japanese whaling past has made a fundamental impact on the majority of the Japanese cultural tradition of consuming whale meat. Ever since the Jomon period, and through centuries of isolation, the Japanese succeeded in expanding its whaling endeavours to become the world’s foremost whaling nation. The contemporary debate on the preservation and conservation of whales as an endangered species has sparked a new dilemma for the deep-rooted Japanese whaling tradition and sensibility. For Westerners the whaling contradicts starkly with the nature conscious Japanese. A fierce debate on the morality of whaling continues.

Nonetheless, the history of Japanese whaling and its understanding of the cultural impact have not been accorded the space, time and volume it deserves. Sigurd Risting mentioned in his Av hvalfangsten historie, that the “Japanese whaling has been of significant interest to whaling as a whole.”[40] Today, though under the cloak of scientific research, whaling plays a more important role in the national economy of Japan than any other country.

Endnotes

[40] Tønnesson, J.N and Johnsen, A.O. The History of Modern Whaling, p.144.

Bibliography

Borgstrom, G. Japan’s world success in Fishing. Fishing News, London, 1964.

D’Amato and Chopra, S.K. ‘Whales: Their emerging right to life’ in American Journal of International Law. Vol. 85, 1991.

Danaher, M. ‘Whaling: A conflict of environmental and human rights’ in Social Alternatives, Vol.3 No.3, Third Quarter, 2004.

Economist, 2000/08/18. 02/06/2006.

Head, Johnathan. ‘ Japan pushes whale meat revival’ in BBC News. (BBC Tokyo Correspondent), 19 June 2005.

History of the Traditional Japanese Diet: Japanese and the whale. 16/08/2006.

Human relationships with whales. 23/05/2006.

International Herald Tribune, 22 February 2007. ‘ New Zealand demands Japan urgently move its stricken whaler from Antarctic waters.’

Japanese commercial whaling. 23/05/2006.

Leonard, J.H (ed.). Great Ages of Man. A History of the World’s Cultures. Early Japan. Time-Life International, Amsterdam, 1968.

Misaki, S. Japanese World-view on whales and whaling. 02/06/2006.

Ommanney, F.D. Lost Leviathan. Hutchinson, London, 1971.

Spence, B. Harpooned, the story of whaling. Conway Maritime Press, Greenwich, 1980.

The Herald Sun, 22 December 2005. ‘Clash at Sea over Whales’.

The Japan Times, 1 June 2000. ‘Urn reveals oldest image of whaling.’

The New Zealand Herald, 22 December 2005. ‘Greenpeace battles whalers.’

Tønnesson, J.N and Johnsen, A.O. The History of Modern Whaling. (Translated from the Norwegian by R.I. Christopherson), HURST, London, 1982.

I am a freelance historical researcher residing in Cape Town, Republic of South Africa, and hold a Masters degree in History from the University of Stellenbosch. Since 2005 I have been the personal research assistant for Prof. H.B. Giliomee (Extraordinary Professor in History) as well as the staff members of the History Department. I have a sound knowledge of German and Dutch, and currently am in the process of developing my language proficiency in Russian and Japanese.
As a researcher and historian I am equipped to provide professional assistance in historical research inquiries or projects. Apart from the focus on historical research, I also have well-grounded experience in academic-related political, geographical and environmental, and company research. Together with the aim of in-depth research I am also able to give advice or suggestions on proposed research inquiries. Furthermore, I have experience in transcribing from audio to text and in translation (English to Afrikaans).

• General World History (Particular knowledge of German, Russian and Japanese history)
• War and Society (Boer War, World War Two – I have a complete collection of Images of War, Cold War)
• South African History and Race Relations
• Company History (Specific interest in the history of the Dutch East India Company (Vereenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie
• VOC)
• History of Cape Town and Stellenbosch
• Genealogical and Dutch Reformed Church research

Contact me: This e-mail address is being protected from spam bots, you need JavaScript enabled to view it or at This e-mail address is being protected from spam bots, you need JavaScript enabled to view it